The Hannibalian War — The Recovery of Tarentum
THE distance from the strait and town of
Rhegium to
B.C. 209, Coss. Q. Fabius Maximus V. Q. Fulvius Flaccus IV. |
Tarentum is more than two thousand stades;
and that portion of the shore of
Italy is entirely destitute of harbours, except those of
Tarentum: I mean the coast facing the Sicilian
sea, and verging towards
Greece, which contains the most
populous barbarian tribes as well as the most famous of the
Greek cities. For the Bruttii, Lucani, some portions of the
Daunii, the Cabalii, and several others, occupy this quarter
of
Italy. So again this coast is lined by the Greek cities of
Rhegium, Caulon,
Locri,
Croton,
Metapontum, and
Thurii: so
that voyagers from
Sicily or from
Greece to any one of these
cities are compelled to drop anchor in the harbours of
Tarentum; and the exchange and commerce with all who
occupy this coast of
Italy take place in this city. One may
judge of the excellence of its situation from the prosperity
attained by the people of
Croton; who, though only possessing
roadsteads suitable for the summer, and enjoying therefore
but a short season of mercantile activity, still have acquired
great wealth, entirely owing, it seems, to the favourable situation of their town and harbour, which yet cannot be compared
with those of
Tarentum. For, even at this day,
Tarentum
is in a most convenient position in respect to the harbours of
the Adriatic, and was formerly still more so. Since, from the
Iapygian promontory as far as
Sipontum, every one coming
from the other side and dropping anchor at
Italy always crossed
to
Tarentum, and used that city for his mercantile transactions
as an emporium; for the town of
Brundisium had not yet
been founded in these times.
1 Therefore Fabius regarded
the recovery of it as of great importance, and, omitting everything else, turned his whole thoughts to this. . . .
Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus in Spain, B.C. 210-206. His Character
Being about to narrate the exploits of Publius Scipio
A common mistake to Scipio's character. |
in
Iberia, and in fact all the achievements in
his life, I think it necessary to direct my
readers' attention, to begin with, to his moral
and mental qualities. For as he is perhaps the most illustrious man of any born
before the present generation, everybody seeks to know what kind of man he was, and what
advantages from natural ability or experience he enjoyed, to
account for a career so crowded with brilliant achievement;
and yet is compelled to remain in the dark, or to entertain false
opinions, because those who write about him have not kept to
the truth. The soundness of this assertion will be rendered
evident in the course of my narrative to all who are capable of
estimating the noblest and most gallant of his exploits. Now
all other writers represent him as a man favoured by fortune,
who succeeded in his undertakings contrary to rational expectation, and by the mere force of circumstances. They
consider apparently such men to be, so to speak, more godlike and worthy of admiration, than those who act in every
case by calculation. They do not seem to be aware of the
distinction between credit for good fortune and credit for
good conduct in the case of such men; and that the former
may be assigned to any one however commonplace, while the
latter belongs to those alone who act from prudent calculation
and clear intelligence: and it is these last whom we should
look upon as the most god-like and god-beloved.
Now it seems to me that in his character and views
Publius was very like Lycurgus the legislator of the Lacedaemonians.
Scipio's use of religion compared with that of Lycurgus. |
For we must not suppose that it
was from superstition that Lycurgus continually consulted the Pythian priestess in the
establishment of the Lacedaemonian constitution; nor that Publius depended on dreams and ominous
words for his success in securing empire for his country. But
as both saw that the majority of mankind cannot be got to
accept contentedly what is new and strange, nor to face dangers
with courage, without some hope of divine favour,—Lycurgus,
by always supporting his own schemes by an oracular response
from the Pythia, secured better acceptation and credit for his
ideas; and Publius, by always in like manner instilling into
the minds of the vulgar an opinion of his acting on some
divine suggestion in the formation of his designs, caused
those under his command to confront dangerous services with
greater courage and cheerfulness. But that he invariably
acted on calculation and with foresight, and that the successful
issue of his plans was always in harmony with rational expectation, will be evident by what I am about to relate.
Scipio's First Brilliant Success
For that he was beneficent and high-minded is acknowledged; but that he was acute, sober-minded, and earnest in pursuit of his aims,
Scipio's first exploit, B. C. 218. |
no one will admit, except those who have
lived with him, and contemplated his character, so to speak,
in broad daylight. Of such Gaius Laelius was one. He
took part in everything he did or said from boyhood to the
day of his death; and he it was who convinced me of this
truth: because what he said appeared to me to be likely in
in itself, and in harmony with the achievements of that great
man. He told me that the first brilliant exploit of Publius
was when his father fought the cavalry engagement with
Hannibal near the
Padus. He was then, as it seems, eighteen
years old and on his first campaign. His father had given
him a squadron of picked cavalry for his protection; but when
in the course of the battle he saw his father surrounded by
the enemy, with only two or three horsemen near him, and
dangerously wounded, he first tried to cheer on his own
squadron to go to his father's assistance, but when he found
them considerably cowed by the numbers of the enemy
surrounding them, he appears to have plunged by himself
with reckless courage into the midst of the enemy: whereupon,
his comrades being forced to charge also, the enemy were
everawed
2 and divided their ranks to let them pass; and
Publius the elder, being thus unexpectedly saved, was the first
to address his son as his preserver in the hearing of the whole
army.
3 Having gained an acknowledged reputation for bravery
by this exploit, he ever afterwards freely exposed himself
to every sort of personal danger, whenever his country rested
its hope of safety on him. And this is not the conduct of a
general who trusts to luck, but of one who has a clear head.
His Election To the Aedileship
Subsequently, when his elder brother Lucius was a
Elected aedile, end of B. C. 217. |
candidate for the Aedileship, which is about the most honourable office open to a "young" man at
Rome: it being the
custom for two patricians to be appointed, and there being
many candidates, for some time he did not venture to stand
for the same office as his brother. But as the
day of election drew near, judging from the
demeanour of the people that his brother would
4
easily obtain the office, and observing that his own popularity
with the multitude was very great, he made up his mind that the
only hope of his brother's success was that they should combine
their candidatures. He therefore resolved to act as follows:
His mother was going round to the temples and sacrificing
to the gods in behalf of his brother, and was altogether in a
state of eager expectation as to the result. She was the only
parent whose wishes he had to consult; for his father was
then on his voyage to
Iberia, having been appointed to command
in the war there. He therefore said to her that he had seen
the same dream twice: for he thought that he was coming home
from the Forum after being elected Aedile with his brother,
and that she met them at the door and threw her arms round
them and kissed them. His mother with true womanly feeling
exclaimed, "Oh, that I might see that day!" He replied, "Do
you wish us to try"? Upon her assenting, under the idea
that he would not venture, but was only jesting on the spur
of the moment (for of course he was quite a young man), he
begged her to prepare him at once a white toga, such as it is
the custom for candidates for office to wear.
Publius and Lucius Become Aediles
His mother thought no more about it: but Publius,
having obtained a white toga, went to the Forum before his
mother was awake. His boldness, as well as his previous
popularity, secured him a brilliant reception from the people;
and when he advanced to the spot assigned for candidates, and
took his place by the side of his brother, the people not only
invested him with the office, but his brother also for his sake;
and both brothers returned home Aediles designate. The
news having been suddenly brought to their mother, she
rushed in the utmost delight to meet them at the door, and
kissed the young men in an ecstasy of joy. Accordingly
Publius was believed by all who had heard previously about
his dream to have held commune with the gods, not merely in
his sleep, but rather in a waking vision, and by day. But in
point of fact there was no dream at all: Scipio was kind,
open-handed, and courteous, and by these means had conciliated the favour of the multitude. But by a dexterous use
of the occasion, both with the people and his mother, he
obtained his purpose, and moreover got the reputation of
acting under divine inspiration. For those persons, who, from
dulness or want of experience, or idleness, can never take a
clear view of the occasions or causes or connexion of events,
are apt to give the gods and chance the credit for what is
really effected by sagacity and far-seeing calculation. I have
thought it worth while to say thus much, that my readers may
not be misled by unfounded gossip to pass over this great
man's finest and most splendid qualities, I mean his wealth of
resource and untiring diligence; which will become still more
apparent when we come to recount his actual achievements.
Speech of Publius Scipio to the Soldiers
Such was the man who now assembled the soldiers and
Speech of Publius Scipio to the soldiers in Spain, B. C. 210. |
exhorted them not to be dismayed by the
disaster which had befallen them. "For," said
he, "Romans have never been beaten by Carthaginians in a trial of valour. It was the result
of treachery on the part of the Celtiberians, and of rashness, the two commanders getting cut off from each other
owing to their trust in the alliance of these men. But now
these two disadvantages are on the side of the enemy: for they
are encamped at a wide distance from each other; and by
their tyrannical conduct to their allies have alienated them all,
and made them hostile to themselves. The consequence is
that some of them are already sending messages to us; while
the rest, as soon as they dare, and see that we have crossed
the river, will gladly join us; not so much because they have
any affection for us, as because they are eager to punish the
outrages of the Carthaginians. Most important of all is
the fact that the enemy are at variance with each other, and
will refuse to fight against us in a body, and by thus engaging
in detail will be more easily dealt with by us." Looking to
these facts, therefore, he bade them cross the river with confidence, and undertook that he and the other officers would
see to the next step to be taken.
Scipio crosses the Ebro, and swoops down upon New Carthage. |
With these words he left
his colleague, Marcus Silanus, with five hundred horse to
guard the ford, and to protect the allies on the
north of the river, while he himself began taking
his army across, without revealing his design
to any one. As a matter of fact he had resolved
to do nothing of what he gave out publicly, and had made
up his mind to make a rapid attack upon the town called
Iberian Carthage. This may be looked upon as the first
and strongest proof of the judgment which I lately passed
upon him. He was now only in his twenty-seventh year: and
yet he, in the first place, undertook to accomplish what the
magnitude of the previous disasters had made the world look
upon as completely hopeless; and, in the second place, having
undertaken it, he left on one side the plain and obvious course,
and conceived and carried out a plan which was a surprise to
the enemy himself. This could only be the result of the
closest calculation.
He Determines To Attack Carthagena
The fact is that he had made minute inquiries, before
Scipio's careful inquiries as to the state of things in Spain. |
leaving
Rome, both about the treason of the Celtiberians, and
the separation of the two Roman armies; and
had inferred that his father's disaster was
entirely attributable to these. He had not therefore shared the popular terror
of the Carthaginians, nor allowed himself to be overcome by the general panic.
And when he subsequently heard that the allies of
Rome
north of the
Ebro were remaining loyal, while the Carthaginian
commanders were quarrelling with each other, and maltreating
the natives subject to them, he began to feel very cheerful
about his expedition, not from a blind confidence in Fortune,
but from deliberate calculation. Accordingly, when he arrived
in
Iberia, he learnt, by questioning everybody and making
inquiries about the enemy from every one, that the forces of
the Carthaginians were divided into three. Mago, he was informed, was lingering west of the pillars of Hercules among
the Conii; Hasdrubal, the son of Gesco, in
Lusitania, near the
mouth of the
Tagus; while the other Hasdrubal was besieging
a certain city of the Caspetani; and none of the three were less
than ten days' march from the
New Town. Now he calculated that, if he decided to give the enemy battle, it would
be risking too much to do so against all three at once, because his predecessors had been beaten, and because the enemy
would vastly out-number him; if, on the other hand, he were to
march rapidly to engage one of the three, and should then find
himself surrounded—which might happen by the one attacked
retreating, and the others coming up to his relief,—he dreaded
a disaster like that of his uncle Gnaeus and his father
Publius.
Why New Carthage is a Desirable Target
He therefore rejected that idea altogether: but being
He determines to attempt New Carthage. |
informed that New Carthage was the most important source of supplies to the enemy and
of damage to the Romans in the present war, he
had taken the trouble to make minute inquiries about it during
the winter from those who were well informed. He learnt
that it was nearly the only town in
Iberia which possessed a
harbour suitable for a fleet and naval force; that it lay
very conveniently for the Carthaginians to make the sea
passage from
Libya; that they in fact had the bulk of their
money and war material in it, as well as their hostages from
the whole of
Iberia; that, most important of all, the number of fighting men garrisoning the citadel only amounted
to a thousand,—because no one would ever suppose that,
while the Carthaginians commanded nearly the whole of
Iberia, any one would conceive the idea of assaulting this
town; that the other inhabitants were exceedingly numerous,
but all consisted of craftsmen, mechanics, and fisher-folk, as
far as possible removed from any knowledge of warfare. All
this he regarded as being fatal to the town, in case of the
sudden appearance of an enemy. Nor did he moreover fail
to acquaint himself with the topography of
New Carthage, or
the nature of its defences, or the lie of the lagoon: but by
means of certain fishermen who had worked there he had
ascertained that the lagoon was quite shallow and fordable at
most points; and that, generally speaking, the water ebbed
every day towards evening sufficiently to secure this. These
considerations convinced him that, if he could accomplish his
purpose, he would not only damage his opponents, but gain a
considerable advantage for himself; and that, if on the other
hand he failed in effecting it, he would yet be able to secure
the safety of his men owing to his command of the sea, provided he had once made his camp secure,—and this was easy,
because of the wide dispersion of the enemy's forces. He
had therefore, during his residence in winter quarters, devoted
himself to preparing for this operation to the exclusion of
every other: and in spite of the magnitude of the idea which
he had conceived, and in spite of his youth, he concealed it
from all except Gaius Laelius, until he had himself decided to
reveal it.
Laelius and Scipio Proceed to New Carthage
But although historians agree in attributing these calculations to him; yet, when they come to narrate their issue,
they somehow or another attribute the success obtained not
to the man and his foresight, but to the gods and to Fortune,
and that, in spite of all probability, and the evidence of those
who lived with him; and in spite of the fact that Publius
himself in a letter addressed to Philip has distinctly set forth
that it was upon the deliberate calculations, which I have just
set forth, that he undertook the Iberian campaign generally,
and the assault upon New Carthage in particular.
However that may be, at the time specified he gave secret
Gaius Laelius proceeds to New Carthage with the fleet, |
instructions to Gaius Laelius, who was in command of the fleet, and who, as I have said, was
the only man in the secret, to sail to this town;
while he himself marched his army at a rapid
pace in the same direction.
Scipio by land. B.C. 209. |
His force consisted of twenty-five thousand infantry and
two thousand five hundred cavalry; and arriving at New
Carthage on the seventh day he pitched his camp on the
north of the town;
5 defended its rear by a double trench
and rampart stretching from sea to sea,
6 while on the side
facing the town he made absolutely no defences, for the nature
of the ground made him sufficiently secure.
But as I am now about to describe the assault and capture
of the town, I think I must explain to my readers the lie of
the surrounding country, and the position of the town itself.
It stands about half-way down the coast of
Iberia in
a gulf which faces south-west, running about
twenty stades inland, and about ten stades
broad at its entrance. The whole gulf is made
a harbour by the fact that an island
7 lies at its mouth and thus
makes the entrance channels on each side of it exceedingly
narrow. It breaks the force of the waves also, and the whole
gulf has thus smooth water, except when south-west winds
setting down the two channels raise a surf: with all other
winds it is perfectly calm, from being so nearly landlocked.
In the recess of the gulf a mountain juts out in the form of a
chersonese, and it is on this mountain that the city stands,
surrounded by the sea on the east and south, and on the
west by a lagoon extending so far northward that the
remaining space to the sea on the other side, to connect it
with the continent, is not more than two stades. The
city itself has a deep depression in its centre, presenting
on its south side a level approach from the sea; while the
rest of it is hemmed in by hills, two of them mountainous
and rough, three others much lower, but rocky and difficult of
ascent; the largest of which lies on the east of the town running
out into the sea, on which stands a temple of Asclepius.
Exactly opposite this lies the western mountain in a closely-corresponding position, on which a palace had been erected at
great cost, which it is said was built by Hasdrubal when he
was aiming at establishing royal power. The remaining three
lesser elevations bound it on the north, of which the westernmost is called the hill of Hephaestus, the next to it that of
Aletes,—who is believed to have attained divine honours from
having been the discoverer of the silver mines,—and the third
is called the hill of Cronus. The lagoon has been connected
with the adjoining sea artificially for the sake of the maritime
folk; and over the channel thus cut between it and the sea a
bridge has been built, for beasts of burden and carts to bring
in provisions from the country.
Scipio Briefs His Troops
Such is the nature of this city's situation. The side
of the Roman camp which faced the city therefore was
secured, without any artificial means, by the lagoon and the
sea. The neck of land lying between these two, and connecting the city with the continent, Scipio did not fence off
with a stockade, although it abutted on the middle of his
camp,—either for the sake of making an impression upon the
enemy, or by way of suiting the arrangement to his own design,
—that he might have nothing to hamper the free egress and
return of his troops to and from the camp. The circuit of
the city wall was not more than twenty stades formerly,—
though I am aware that it has been stated at forty stades;
but this is false, as I know from personal inspection and not
from mere report,—and in our day it has been still farther
contracted.
The fleet arrived to the hour, and Publius then thought it
time to summon a meeting of his men and to
encourage them to the undertaking by the use
of the same arguments by which he had convinced himself, and which I have just now
detailed. He pointed out to them that the plan was practicable; and briefly summing up the blow which their success
would be to their enemies, and the advantage it would be to
themselves, he ended by promising crowns of gold to those
who first mounted the walls, and the usual rewards to those who
displayed conspicuous gallantry. And finally he declared that
"Poseidon had appeared to him in his sleep, and originally
suggested his plan to him; and had promised to give him such
signal aid in the actual hour of battle that his assistance should
be made manifest to all." The skilful mixture in this speech
of accurate calculation with promises of gold crowns, and a
reference to Divine Providence, created a great impression and
enthusiasm in the minds of the young soldiers.
The Attack On Carthagena Begun
Next morning he stationed ships supplied with missiles
of every sort, all along the seaboard, under the command of
Gaius Laelius; and having told off two thousand
of his strongest men to accompany the ladder-carriers, he begun the assault about the third hour. The
commandant of the town, Mago, divided his garrison of a
thousand men into two companies; half he left upon the
citadel, and the rest he stationed upon the eastern hill.
Of the other inhabitants he accoutred about two thousand of
the strongest men with such arms as there were in the city,
and stationed them at the gate leading to the isthmus and
the enemy's camp: the rest he ordered to assist to the best
of their power at all points in the wall.
A sally of the defenders repulsed. |
As soon as the
bugles of Publius sounded the moment of the
assault, Mago caused those whom he had
armed to sally from the gate, feeling confident that he should create a panic among the assailants
and entirely baffle their design. These men vigorously attacked those of the Roman army who were drawn up opposite
the isthmus, and a sharp engagement took place accompanied
by loud cries of encouragement on both sides: the Romans in
the camp cheering on their men, and the people in the city
theirs. But the contest was an unequal one in the respect of
the facility of bringing up reserves. The Carthaginians had all
to come out by one gate, and had nearly two stades to
march before they got on the ground; whereas the Romans
had their supports close at hand and able to come out over a
wide area; for Publius had purposely stationed his men close
to the camp in order to induce the enemy to come out as far
as possible: being quite aware that if he succeeded in destroying these, who were so to speak the sharp edge of the urban
population, universal consternation would be the result, and
no more of those in the town would have the
courage to come out of the gate. The contest however for a certain time was undecided,
for it was between picked men on both sides; but finally the Carthaginians
were overpowered by the superior weight of their opponents,
owing to the constant reinforcements from the camp, and
turned to flight. A large number of them fell in the actual
engagement, and during the retreat; but the greater number
were trampled to death by each other as they crowded through
the gate. The city people were thrown into such a panic by
these events, that even those who were guarding the walls
fled. The Romans very nearly succeeded in forcing their
way in through the gates with the fugitives; and of course
fixed their scaling-ladders against the wall in perfect security.
Double Assault By The Romans
Meanwhile Publius, though throwing himself heartily
into the struggle, yet took all possible precautions to protect
his life. He had three men with him carrying large shields,
which they held in such a position as to completely protect
him from the side of the wall; and accordingly he went along
the lines, or mounted on elevated ground, and contributed
greatly to the success of the day. For he was enabled to see
all that was going on, and at the same time, by being himself
in view of all, inspired great zeal in the hearts of the combatants. The result was that nothing was omitted which could
contribute to the success of the battle; but any help he
saw to be at any moment required was rapidly and thoroughly
supplied.
But though the leaders of the escalade had begun mounting the walls with great spirit,
they found the
Difficulties of the escalade. |
operation accompanied by some danger: not
so much from the number of the defenders, as
from the height of the walls. The defenders accordingly
plucked up courage considerably when they saw the distress of
the assailants: for some of the ladders were breaking under
the weight of the numbers which, owing to their length, were on
them at the same time; while on others the first to mount
turned giddy owing to their great height, and without requiring
much resistance from the defenders threw themselves from
the ladders: and when beams, or anything of that sort, were
hurled upon them from the battlements, they were swept off
en masse and fell to the ground. In spite however of these
difficulties nothing could check the zeal and fury of the
Roman attack; but as the first fell their place was always
taken at once by the next in order. And now, as the day was
far advanced, and the soldiers were worn out with fatigue,
Scipio sounded a recall for the assaulting party.
Scipio Creates a Distraction
The men in the town were accordingly in high spirits
Towards evening Scipio renews the assault on the gate, to distract attention from his attack by way of the lagoon. |
at having, as they thought, repulsed the assault.
But Scipio, who was conscious that the time
was now approaching for the ebb of the lagoon,
had five hundred men stationed ready by its
edge with ladders; and meanwhile massed some
fresh soldiers upon the gate and isthmus, and,
after urging them to undertake the work, furnished them with
a larger number of ladders than before: so that the wall was
almost covered with men scaling it. When the signal for
attack was sounded, and the men placed their ladders against
the wall, and began ascending at every point, the excitement
and consternation inside the walls was extreme; for when
they thought themselves released from the threatened danger,
they saw it beginning all over again by another assault. Besides, their missiles were beginning to fall short; and the
number of men they had lost greatly disheartened them. Still,
though they were in great distress, they continued the defence
as well as they could.
Just when the struggle at the ladders was at its hottest the
Scipio crosses the lagoon and gets his men upon the wall. |
ebb of the tide began. The water began gradually to leave the edges of the lagoon, and the
current ran with such violence, and in such a
mass through its channel into the adjoining
sea, that to those who were unprepared for the sight it appeared incredible. Being provided with guides, Scipio at
once ordered his men, who had been stationed ready for this
service, to step in and to fear nothing. His was a nature especially fitted to inspire courage and sympathy with his own
feelings. So now the men at once obeyed him, and when
the army saw them racing each other across the marsh, it
could not but suppose that the movement was a kind of
heaven-sent inspiration. This reminded them of the reference
Scipio had made to Poseidon, and the promises contained in
his harangue: and their enthusiasm rose to such a height that
they locked their shields above their heads, and, charging up
to the gate, they began trying to hew their way through the
panels of the doors with their axes and hatchets.
Meanwhile the party which had crossed the marsh had approached the wall. They found the battlements unguarded:
and therefore, not only fixed their ladders against the wall,
but actually mounted and took it without striking a blow; for
the attention of the garrison was distracted to other points,
especially to the isthmus and the gate leading to it, and they
never expected that the enemy were likely to attack on the
side of the lagoon: besides, and above all, there was such
disorderly shouting, and such a scene of confusion within the
wall, that they could neither hear nor see to any purpose.
Carthagena Captured and Looted
As soon as they found themselves in possession of
The city entered and given up to the sword. |
the wall, the Romans began making their way along the top of it,
hurling off such of the enemy as they met, the nature of
their arms being especially suited for an operation of that
sort. But when they arrived at the gate they descended and
began cutting through the bolts, while those without began
forcing their way in, and those who were mounting the walls
in the direction of the isthmus, beginning by this time to get
the better of their opponents, were getting a footing on the
battlements. Thus the walls were finally in possession of the
enemy: and the troops, which entered by the gate, carried the
eastern hill and drove off the garrison occupying it.
When Scipio thought that a sufficient number of troops
had entered the town, he gave leave to the larger number of
them to attack those in it, according to the Roman custom,
with directions to kill everything they met, and to spare
nothing; and not to begin looting until they got the order
to do so. The object of this is, I suppose, to strike terror.
Accordingly, one may often see in towns captured by the
Romans, not only human beings who have been put to the
sword, but even dogs cloven down the middle, and the limbs
of other animals hewn off. On this occasion the amount of
such slaughter was exceedingly great, because of the numbers
included in the city.
Scipio himself with about a thousand men now pressed on
Mago surrenders the citadel. |
towards the citadel. When he arrived there,
Mago at first thought of resistance; but afterwards, when he was satisfied that the city
was completely in the power of the enemy, he sent to
demand a promise of his life, and then surrendered. This
being concluded, the signal was given to stop the slaughter:
whereupon the soldiers left off slaying, and
turned to plunder.
When night fell those of
the soldiers to whom this duty had been assigned remained
in the camp, while Scipio with his thousand men bivouacked
in the citadel; and summoning the rest from the dwellinghouses by means of the Tribunes, he ordered them to collect
all their booty into the market-place by maniples, and to
take up their quarters for the night by these several heaps.
He then summoned the light-armed from the camp, and
stationed them upon the eastern hill.
Thus did the Romans become masters of
Carthage in
Iberia.
How the Romans Distribute Booty
Next morning the baggage of those who had served
The Roman customs in the distribution of booty. |
in the Carthaginian ranks, as well as the property of the city-folk and the craftsmen, having
been collected together in the market-place,
the Tribunes divided it according to the Roman
custom among their several legions. Now the Roman
method of procedure in the capture of cities is the following: Sometimes certain soldiers taken from each maniple are
told off for this duty, their numbers depending on the size of
the city; sometimes maniples are told off in turn for it: but
there are never more than half the whole number assigned to
the work. The rest remain in their own ranks in reserve, sometimes outside, at others inside the city,
for taking such precautions as may be from time to time necessary. Sometimes,
though rarely, four legions are massed together; but generally
speaking the whole force is divided into two legions of
Romans and two of allies. This being settled, all who are
told off for plundering carry all they get, each to his own
legion; and when this booty has been sold, the Tribunes distribute the proceeds among all equally, including not only
those who were thus held in reserve, but even those who
were guarding the tents, or were invalided, or had been sent
away anywhere on any service. But I have spoken fully
before, when discussing the Roman constitution, on the subject of the distribution of
booty, showing how no one is excluded from a share in
it, in accordance with the oath which all take upon first
joining the camp.
I may now add
that the arrangement whereby the Roman army is thus divided, half being
engaged in gathering booty and half remaining drawn up in
reserve, precludes all danger of a general catastrophe arising
from personal rivalry in greed. For as both parties feel absolute confidence in the fair dealing of each in respect to the
booty,—the reserves no less than the plunderers,—no one
leaves the ranks, which has been the most frequent cause of
disaster in the case of other armies.
Scipio's Treatment of the Prisoners
For, as the majority of mankind encounter miseries and
embrace dangers for the sake of gain, it is plain that when
such opportunity is presented to them as this, the men in the reserve or in the camp would be with difficulty induced to abstain
from taking advantage of it; because the usual idea is that everything belongs to the man who actually takes it: and though a
general or king may be careful to order all booty to be brought
into the common stock, yet everybody considers that what he
can conceal is his own. The result is that, while the ruck
of the army cannot be prevented from eagerly devoting themselves to plunder,
they often run the risk of a complete overthrow: and it has often in fact happened that after a successful
movement, such as the carrying of an entrenched camp or the
capture of a city, the victorious army has, from no other cause
but this, been not only ejected but even utterly defeated.
Therefore there is nothing about which leaders ought to exercise
more care or foresight, than that, on such an occasion, all
may have an absolutely equal prospect of sharing in the booty.
Thus on the present occasion, while the Tribunes were
busied in the distribution of the spoil; the Roman commander
caused the prisoners, who numbered little short of
Scipio's treatment of the prisoners. The citizens are dismissed to their homes. |
With
ten thousand, to be assembled; and having first
ordered them to be divided into two groups,
one containing the citizens and their wives and
children, the other the craftsmen, he exhorted
the first of these to be loyal to the Romans,
and to remember the favour which they were now receiving,
and allowed them all to depart to their own houses.
tears of joy at this unexpected preservation, they bowed in
reverence to Scipio and dispersed.
The skilled slaves are promised their freedom at the end of the war. |
He then
told the craftsmen that they were for the present
public slaves of
Rome, but that, if they showed
themselves loyal and zealous in their several
crafts, he promised them their freedom, as soon as the war with
the Carthaginians had been brought to a successful issue.
Some are drafted into the navy. |
He
then bade them go get their names enrolled in the office of
the Quaestor, and appointed a Roman overseer for every
thirty of them, their whole number being about two thousand.
From the remaining captives he selected the
strongest, those who were in the prime of
youth and physical vigour, and assigned them
to serve on board ship: and having thus increased the number
of his naval allies by one half, he manned the ships taken from
the enemy as well as his own; so that the number of men on
board each vessel were now little short of double what it was
before. For the captured ships numbered eighteen, his
original fleet thirty-five. These men he also promised their
freedom, if they showed themselves loyal and zealous, as soon
as they had conquered the Carthaginians. By this treatment
of the captives he inspired the citizens with warm feelings of
loyalty and fidelity, and the handicraftsmen with great
readiness to serve, from the hope held out to them of recovering
their freedom.
Scipio's Treatment of Women
He next took Mago and the Carthaginians with him
Mago is entrusted to Laelius. |
separately, consisting of one member of the
Council of ancients and fifteen of the Senate.
8
These he put under the charge of Gaius Laelius,
with orders that he should take due care of them. He next
summoned the hostages, who numbered more than three
hundred.
Such of them as were children he
called to him one by one, and stroking their
heads told them not to be afraid, for in a few days they would
see their parents. The others also he exhorted to be of good
cheer, and to write word to their relations in their several cities,
first, that they were safe and well; and, secondly, that the
Romans were minded to restore them all unharmed to their
homes, if only their relations adopted the Roman alliance.
With these words, having already selected from the spoils such
articles as were fitting for his purpose, he presented each with
what was suitable to their sex and age: the girls with ear-rings
and bracelets, the young men with daggers and swords.
Among
the captive women was the wife of Mandonius,
brother of Andobalus king of the Ilergētes.
This woman fell at his feet and besought him with tears to
protect their honour better than the Carthaginians had done.
Touched by her distress Scipio asked her in what respect she
and the other women were left unprovided. She was a lady
of advanced years and of a certain majestic dignity of appearance: and upon her meeting his question by perfect silence,
he summoned the men who had been appointed to take charge
of the women; and when they reported that they had supplied
them with all necessaries in abundance, and when the woman
again clasped his knees and repeated the same request, Scipio
felt still more embarrassed; and, conceiving the idea that their
guardians had neglected them, and were now making a false
report, he bade the women fear nothing, for that he would
appoint different men to see to their interests, and secure that
they were not left in want of anything. Then after a brief
hesitation the woman said, "You mistake my meaning, General,
if you think that we are asking you for food." Scipio then at
length began to understand what she wished to convey; and
seeing under his eyes the youthful beauty of the daughters of
Andobalus, and of many of the other nobles, he could not
refrain from tears, while the aged lady indicated in a few words
the danger in which they were. He showed at once that he
understood her words: and taking her by the hand, he bade
her and the others also be of good cheer, for that he would
watch over them as he would over his own sisters and
daughters, and would accordingly put men in charge of them
on whom he could rely.
The Money
His next business was to pay over to the Quaestors
such public money of the Carthaginians as had
been captured. It amounted to more than
six hundred talents, so that when this was added to the four
hundred which he had brought with him from
Rome, he found
himself in possession of more than one thousand talents.
It was on this occasion that some young Romans fell in
with a girl surpassing all the other women in
bloom and beauty; and seeing that Scipio was
fond of the society of women, they brought her
to him, and, placing her before him, said that they desired to
present the damsel to him. He was struck with admiration
for her beauty, and replied that, if he had been in a private
position, he could have received no present that would have
given him greater pleasure; but as general it was the last in the
world which he could receive. He meant to convey, I presume,
by this ambiguous answer that, in hours of rest and idleness,
such things are the most delightful enjoyments and pastimes
for young men; whereas in times of activity they are hindrances
physically and mentally. However that may be, he thanked
the young men; but called the girl's father, and handing her
over at once to him, told him to bestow her in marriage on
whichever of the citizens he chose. By this display of continence
and self-control he gained the warm respect of his men.
Having made these arrangements, and handed over the rest
Laelius sent to Rome with the news. B.C. 209. |
of the captives to the Tribunes, he despatched
Gaius Laelius on board a quinquereme to
Rome,
with the Carthaginian prisoners and the noblest
of the others, to announce at home what had taken place.
For as the prevailing feeling at
Rome was one of despair of
success in
Iberia, he felt certain that on this news their spirits
would revive, and that they would make much more strenuous
efforts to support him.
Scipio's Training Regimen
Scipio himself stayed a certain time in New
Preparations for an advance. |
Carthage and assiduously practised his fleet;
and drew up the following scheme for his
military Tribunes for training their men. The
first day he ordered the men to go at the double for thirty
stades in their full arms; and on the second all of them to rub
down, clean, and thoroughly examine their whole equipments;
on the third to rest and do nothing; on the fourth to have a
sham fight, some with wooden swords covered with leather and
with a button at the end, others with javelins also buttoned at
the end; on the fifth the same march at the double as on the
first. That there might be no lack of weapons for the
practises, or for the real fighting, he took the greatest pains with
the handicraftsmen. He had, as I have already stated, appointed
overseers over them in regular divisions to secure that this was
done; but he also personally inspected them every day, and
saw that they were severally supplied with what was necessary.
Thus while the legions were practising and training in the
vicinity of the town, and the fleet manœuvring and rowing in
the sea, and the city people sharpening weapons or forging
arms or working in wood, every one in short busily employed
in making armour, the whole place must have presented the
appearance of what Xenophon called "a workshop of war."
When he thought all these works
were sufficiently advanced for the requirements
of the service, he secured the town by posting garrisons and
repairing the walls, and got both his army and navy on the
move, directing his advance upon
Tarraco, and taking the
hostages with him. . . .
Euryleon, the Strategus of the Achaeans, was a man of
Euryleon Achaean Strategus, B.C. 210-209. |
timid character, and quite unsuited for service
in the field.
But as my history has now arrived at a point
at which the achievements of Philopoemen begin, I think it only
proper that, as I have attempted to describe the habits and
characters of the other men of eminence with whom we have
had to deal, I should do the same for him. It is strangely inconsistent in historians to record in elaborate detail the founding
of cities, stating when and how and by whom they were established, and even the circumstances and difficulties which
accompanied the transaction, and yet to pass over in complete
silence the characteristics and aims of the men by whom the
whole thing was done, though these in fact are the points of
the greatest value. For as one feels more roused to emulation
and imitation by men that have life, than by buildings that
have none, it is natural that the history of the former should
have a greater educational value. If I had not therefore already
composed a separate account of him, clearly setting forth who
he was, his origin, and his policy as a young man, it would
have been necessary to have given an account now of each of
these particulars. But since I have done this in a work in
three books, unconnected with my present history, detailing the
circumstances of his childhood and his most famous achievements, it is clear that in my present narrative my proper
course will be to remove anything like details from my account
of his youthful characteristics and aims; while I am careful to
add details to the story of the achievements of his manhood,
which in that treatise were only stated summarily. I shall thus
preserve the proper features of both works. The former being
in the nature of a panegyric demanded an account of his
actions, put briefly and in a style deliberately intended to
enhance their merits; my present work, which is history, and
therefore absolutely uncommitted to praise or blame, requires
only a true statement, which puts the facts clearly, and traces
the policy which dictated the several actions.
His Birth and Education
Philopoemen, then, to begin with, was of good birth,
Birth, parentage, and education of Philopoemen b. B.C. 252 |
descended from one of the noblest families
in
Arcadia. He was also educated under that
most distinguished Mantinean, Cleander, who
had been his father's friend before, and happened
at that time to be in exile. When he came to man's estate he
attached himself to Ecdemus and Demophanes, who were by
birth natives of
Megalopolis, but who having been exiled by the
tyrant, and having associated with the philosopher Arcesilaus
during their exile, not only set their own country free by
entering into an intrigue against Aristodemus the tyrant, but
also helped in conjunction with Aratus to put down Nicocles,
the tyrant of
Sicyon. On another occasion also, on the invitation of the people of
Cyrene, they stood forward as their
champions and preserved their freedom for them. Such were
the men with whom he passed his early life; and he at once began
to show a superiority to his contemporaries, by his power of
enduring hardships in hunting, and by his acts of daring in war.
He was moreover careful in his manner of life, and moderate
in the outward show which he maintained; for he had imbibed from these men the conviction, that it was impossible for
a man to take the lead in public business with honour
who neglected his own private affairs; nor again to abstain
from embezzling public money if he lived beyond his private
income.
Being then appointed Hipparch by the Achaean league at
this time, and finding the squadrons in a state
of utter demoralisation, and the men thoroughly
dispirited, he not only restored them to a better
state than they were, but in a short time made
them even superior to the enemy's cavalry, by
bringing them all to adopt habits of real training
and genuine emulation. The fact is that most of those who
hold this office of Hipparch, either, from being without any
genius themselves for cavalry tactics, do not venture to enforce
necessary orders upon others; or, because they are aiming at
being elected Strategus, try all through their year of office to
attach the young men to themselves and to secure their favour
in the coming election: and accordingly never administer
necessary reprimands, which are the salvation of the
public interests, but hush up all transgressions, and, for the sake
of gaining an insignificant popularity, do great damage to those
who trust them. Sometimes again, commanders, though neither
feeble nor corrupt, do more damage to the soldiers by intemperate zeal than the negligent ones, and this is still oftener the
case with regard to the cavalry. . . .
Philopoemen's Reforms
Now the movements which he undertook to teach the
horsemen as being universally applicable to cavalry warfare
The cavalry tactics of Philopoemen, B.C. 210-209. |
were these.
9 In the first place each separate
horse was to be practised in wheeling first to
the left and then to the right, and also to face
right-about; and in the next place they were
to be taught to wheel in squadrons, face-about, and by a
treble movement to face-about right-turn. Next they were to
learn to throw out flying columns of single or double companies at full speed from both wings or from the centre;
and then to pull up and fall in again into troops, or squadrons, or regiments: next to deploy into line on both wings,
either by filling up the intervals in the line or by a lateral
movement on the rear. Simply to form an oblique line,
he said, required no practice, for it was exactly the same
order as that taken up on a march. After this they were to
practice charging the enemy and retreating by every kind of
movement, until they were able to advance at an alarming
pace; provided only that they kept together, both line and
column, and preserved the proper intervals between the
squadrons: for nothing is more dangerous and unserviceable
than cavalry that have broken up their squadrons, and attempt
to engage in this state.
After giving these instructions both to the people and their
magistrates, he went on a round of inspection through the
towns, and inquired, first, whether the men obeyed the words of
command; and, secondly, whether the officers in the several
towns knew how to give them clearly and properly: for he held
that the first thing requisite was technical knowledge on the
part of the commanders of each company.
How to Drill a Large Company
When he had thus made the proper preliminary
preparations, he mustered the cavalry from the various cities
into one place, and set about perfecting their evolutions
under his own command, and personally directed the whole
drill. He did not ride in front of the army, as generals nowadays do, from the notion that this is the proper position for
a commander. For what can be less scientific or more
dangerous than for a commander to be seen by all his men,
and yet not to see one of them? In such manœuvres a
Hipparch should not make a display not of mere military dignity,
but of the skill and ability of an officer, appearing at one time
in the front, at another on the rear, and at another in the
centre. This is what he did, riding along the lines, and
personally seeing to all the men, giving them directions when
they were at a loss what to do, and correcting at once every
mistake that was being made. Such mistakes, however, were
trifling and rare, owing to the previous care bestowed on every
individual and company. Demetrius of Phalerum has, as far
as words go, given expression to the same idea: "As in the
case of building, if you lay each single brick rightly, and if
proper care is taken in placing each successive course, all will
be well; so in an army, accuracy in the arrangement of each
soldier and each company makes the whole strong. . . ."
Philip's Increasing Deterioration
A fragment of a speech of some Macedonian orator as to the
Aetolians making an alliance with Rome.
"The case is just like that of the disposition of the
Alliance between Aetolians and Rome against Philip,
negotiated by Scopas and Dorimachus, B. C. 211. See Livy, 26, 24. |
various kinds of troops on the field of battle.
The light-armed and most active men bear the
brunt of the danger, are the first to be engaged
and the first to perish, while the phalanx and
the heavy-armed generally carry off the glorySo in this case, the Aetolians, and such of the
Peloponnesians as are in alliance with them, are put in the post
of danger; while the Romans, like the phalanx, remain in
reserve. And if the former meet with disaster and perish, the
Romans will retire unharmed from the struggle; while if they
are victorious, which Heaven forbid ! the Romans will get
not only them but the rest of the Greeks also into their
power. . . ."
10
Philip V
After finishing the celebration of the Nemean games,
King Philip's conduct at Argos after presiding at the Nemean games, B. C. 208. See Livy, 27, 30, 31. |
King Philip of
Macedon returned to
Argos and
laid aside his crown and purple robe, with
the view of making a display of democratic
equality and good nature. But the more
democratic the dress which he wore, the more
absolute and royal were the privileges which he
claimed. He was not now content with seducing unmarried
women, or even with intriguing with married women, but
assumed the right of sending authoritatively for any woman
whose appearance struck him; and offered violence to those
who did not at once obey, by leading a band of revellers to
their houses; and, summoning their sons or their husbands, he
trumped up false pretexts for menacing them. In fact his
conduct was exceedingly outrageous and lawless. But though
this abuse of his privileges as a guest was exceedingly annoying
to many of the Achaeans, and especially to the orderly part of
them, the wars that threatened them on every side compelled
them to show a patience under it uncongenial to their
character. . . .
None of his predecessors had better qualifications for
sovereignty, or more important defects, than this same Philip.
And it appears to me that the good qualities were innate,
while the defects grew upon him as he advanced in years, as
happens to some horses as they grow old. Such remarks I
do not, following some other historians, confine to prefaces;
but when the course of my narrative suggests it, I state my
opinion of kings and eminent men, thinking that most convenient for writer and reader alike.
War between Antiochus the Great (III.) and Arsaces
III., King of the Parthians. B.C. 212-205. See above, 8, 25.
Medea and the Palace at Ecbatana
In regard to extent of territory Media is the most
considerable of the kingdoms in
Asia, as also in respect of
Description of Media, and of the palace at Ecbatana. |
the number and excellent qualities of its men, and not less
so of its horses. For, in fact, it supplies nearly
all
Asia with these animals, the royal studs being
entrusted to the Medes because of the rich pastures in their country.
11 To protect it from the
neighbouring barbarians a ring of Greek cities was built round
it by the orders of Alexander. The chief exception to this is
Ecbatana, which stands on the north of Media, in the district
of
Asia bordering on the Maeotis and Euxine. It was
originally the royal city of the Medes, and vastly superior to
the other cities in wealth and the splendour of its buildings.
It is situated on the skirts of Mount Orontes, and is without
walls, though containing an artificially formed citadel fortified
to an astonishing strength. Beneath this stands the palace,
which it is in some degree difficult to describe in detail, or to
pass over in complete silence. To those authors whose aim
is to produce astonishment, and who are accustomed to deal in
exaggeration and picturesque writing, this city offers the best
possible subject; but to those who, like myself, are cautious
when approaching descriptions which go beyond ordinary
notions, it presents much difficulty and embarrassment. However, as regards size, the palace covers ground the circuit of
which is nearly seven stades; and by the costliness of the
structure in its several parts it testifies to the wealth of its
original builders: for all its woodwork being cedar or cypress
not a single plank was left uncovered; beams and fretwork
in the ceilings, and columns in the arcades and peristyle, were
overlaid with plates of silver or gold, while all the tiles were of
silver. Most of these had been stripped off during the
invasion of Alexander and the Macedonians, and the rest in the
reigns of Antigonus and Seleucus Nicanor. However, even at
the time of Antiochus's arrival, the temple of Aena
12 still had its
columns covered with gold, and a considerable number of
silver tiles had been piled up in it, and some few gold bricks
and a good many silver ones were still remaining. It was
from these that the coinage bearing the king's impress was
collected and struck, amounting to little less than four thousand
talents.
Antiochus the Great In Media
Arsaces expected that Antiochus would come as far as
The nature of the desert between Media and Parthia. |
this district (of Media), but that he would not
venture to proceed across the adjoining desert
with so large a force, if for no other reason, yet
from the scarcity of water. For in this tract of
country there is no water appearing on the surface, though
there are many subterranean channels which have well-shafts
sunk to them, at spots in the desert unknown to persons unacquainted with the district. A true account of these channels
has been preserved among the natives to the effect that, during
the Persian ascendency, they granted the enjoyment of the
profits of the land to the inhabitants of some of the waterless
districts for five generations, on condition of their bringing
fresh water in; and that, there being many large streams flowing
down Mount Taurus, these people at infinite toil and expense
constructed these underground channels through a long tract
of country, in such a way, that the very people who now use
the water are ignorant of the sources from which the channels
are originally supplied.
When, however, Arsaces saw that Antiochus was determined to attempt to cross the desert,
he endeavoured at once to choke up and spoil the wells.
Antiochus prepares to cross it: Arsaces orders the wells to be choked. |
But King Antiochus, upon this being reported
to him, despatched Nicomedes with a thousand
horse; who found that Arsaces had retired with
his main army, but came upon some of his cavalry in the act
of choking up the shafts which went down into the underground channels. They promptly attacked these men, and,
having routed and forced them to fly, returned back again to
Antiochus.
The king, having thus accomplished
the journey across the desert, arrived before the
city
Hecatompylos, which is situated in the
centre of
Parthia, and derives its name from the fact that the
roads which lead to all the surrounding districts converge there.
Antiochus Moves into Hyrcania
Having rested his army at this place, and having
convinced himself that, had Arsaces been able to give him
battle, he would not have abandoned his own country, nor have
sought a ground more favourable to his own army
for fighting him than the district round
Hecatompylos; he concluded that, since he had done so,
it stood to reason that he had entirely changed
his mind.
Antiochus determines to follow Arsaces into Hyrcania. |
He therefore decided to advance into Hyrcania.
But having arrived at Tagae, he learnt from the natives that
the country he had to cross, until he reached the ridges of
Mount Labus sloping down into Hyrcania, was exceedingly
rough and difficult, and that large numbers of barbarians were
stationed at the narrowest points. He therefore resolved to
divide his light-armed troops into companies, and distribute
their officers among them, giving them directions as to
the route they were severally to take. He did the same
with the pioneers, whose business it was to make the positions
occupied by the light-armed possible of approach for the
phalanx and beasts of burden. Having made these arrangements, he entrusted the first division to Diogenes, strengthening
him with bowmen and slingers and some mountaineers skilled
in throwing javelins and stones, and who, without keeping
any regular order, were always ready to skirmish at a
moment's notice, and in any direction, and rendered the most
effective assistance at the narrow passes. Next to these he
ordered a company of about two thousand Cretans armed with
shields to advance, under the command of Polyxenidas of
Rhodes. The rear was to be brought up by companies armed
with breastplate and shield, and commanded by Nicomedes of
Cos, and Nicolaus the Aetolian.
Fighting On Mount Labus
But as they advanced, the ruggedness of the ground
The ascent of Mount Labus. |
and the narrowness of the passes were found to
far exceed the king's expectations. The length
of the ascent was altogether about three hundred
stades; and a great part had to be made up the bed of a
winter torrent of great depth, into which numerous rocks and
trees had been hurled by natural causes from the overhanging
precipices, and made a passage up it difficult, to say nothing of
the obstacles which the barbarians had helped to construct
expressly to impede them. These latter had felled a large
number of trees and piled up heaps of huge rocks; and had
besides occupied all along the gully the high points, which
were at once convenient for attack and capable of covering
themselves; so that, if it had not been for one glaring error on
their part, Antiochus would have found the attempt beyond
his powers, and would have desisted from it. The error was
this. They assumed that the whole army would be obliged
to march the entire way up the gully, and they accordingly
occupied the points of vantage. But they did not perceive this
fact, that, though the phalanx and the baggage could not possibly
go by any other route than the one they supposed, there was yet
nothing to make it impossible for the light-armed and active
troops to accomplish the ascent of the bare rocks. Consequently, as soon as Diogenes had come upon the first outpost
of the enemy, he and his men began climbing out of the gully,
and the affair at once took a different aspect. For no sooner
had they come to close quarters, than, acting on the suggestion
of the moment, Diogenes avoided the engagement by ascending
the mountains that flanked the enemy's position, and so got
above him; and by pouring down volleys of darts and stones he
seriously harassed the barbarians. Their most deadly weapons
however proved to be the slings, which could carry a great
distance; and when by these means they had dislodged the
first outpost and occupied their position, an opportunity was
secured for the pioneers to clear the way and level it, without
being exposed to danger. Owing to the number of hands the
work went on rapidly; and meanwhile the slingers, bowmen,
and javelin-men advanced in skirmishing order along the
higher ground, every now and then reforming and seizing on
strong points of vantage; while the men with shields formed a
reserve, marching in order and at a regular pace along the side
of the gully itself. The barbarians thereupon abandoned
their positions, and, ascending the mountain, mustered in full
force on the summit.
Antiochus Reaches Tambrax
Thus Antiochus effected this ascent without loss, but
The battle on the summit of Mount Labus. |
slowly and painfully, for it was not until the
eighth day that his army made the summit of
Labus. The barbarians being mustered there,
and resolved to dispute his passage, a severe engagement took
place, in which the barbarians were eventually dislodged, and
by the following manœuvre. As long as they were engaged
face to face with the phalanx, they kept well together and
fought desperately; but before daybreak the light-armed troops
had made a wide circuit, and seized some high ground on the
rear of the enemy, and as soon as the barbarians perceived this
they fled in a panic. King Antiochus exerted himself actively
to prevent a pursuit, and caused a recall to be sounded,
because he wished his men to make the descent into
Hyrcania,
without scattering, and in close order.
He
accomplished his object: reached Tambrax, an
unwalled city of great size and containing a
royal palace, and there encamped.
Most of the natives fled
from the battle-field, and its immediate neighbourhood, into a city called Sirynx, which was
not far from Tambrax, and from its secure and
convenient situation was considered as the capital of
Hyrcania.
Antiochus therefore determined to carry this town by assault;
and having accordingly advanced thither, and pitched his
camp under its walls, he commenced the assault. The
operation consisted chiefly of mining under pent-houses. For
the city was defended by three trenches, thirty cubits broad
and fifteen deep, with a double vallum on the edge of each;
and behind these there was a strong wall. Frequent struggles
took place at the works, in which neither side were strong
enough to carry off their killed and wounded: for these hand-to-hand battles took place,
not above ground only, but underground also in the mines. However, owing to the numbers
employed and the activity of the king, it was not long before
the trenches were choked up and the walls were undermined
and fell. Upon this the barbarians, giving up all as lost, put to
death such Greeks as were in the town; and having plundered
all that was most worth taking, made off under cover of night.
When the king saw this, he despatched Hyperbasus with the
mercenaries; upon whose approach the barbarians threw down
their booty and fled back again into the city; and when they
found the peltasts pouring in energetically through the breach
in the walls they gave up in despair and surrendered.
Fall of M. Claudius Marcellus
The Consuls, wishing to reconnoitre the slope of the
B. C. 208. Coss. M. Claudius Marcellus, T. Quinctius Crispinus.
The two Consuls were encamped within three miles of each other, between Venusia and Bantia,
Hannibal had been at Lacinium in Bruttii, but had advanced into Apulia. Livy, 27, 25-27. |
hill towards the enemy's camp, ordered their
main force to remain in position; while they
themselves with two troops of cavalry, their
lictors, and about thirty velites advanced to
make the reconnaisance. Now some Numidians,
who were accustomed to lie in ambush for those
who came on skirmishes, or any other services
from the Roman camp, happened, as it chanced,
to have ensconced themselves at the foot of the
hill. Being informed by their look-out man
that a body of men was coming over the brow
of the hill above them, they rose from their
place of concealment, ascended the hill by
a side road, and got between the Consuls
and their camp.
Death of the Consul M. Claudius Marcellus. |
At the very first charge they killed
Claudius and some others, and having wounded
the rest, forced them to fly in different directions
down the sides of the hill. Though the men
in camp saw what was happening they were unable to come to
the relief of their endangered comrades; for while they were
still shouting out to get ready, and before they had recovered
from the first shock of their surprise, while some were putting
the bridles on their horses and others donning their armour,
the affair was all over. The son of Claudius, though wounded,
narrowly escaped with his life.
Thus fell Marcus Marcellus from an act of incautiousness
unworthy of a general. I am continually compelled in the
course of my history to draw the attention of my readers to
occurrences of this sort; for I perceive that it is this, more
than anything else connected with the science of tactics, that
ruins commanders. And yet the blunder is a very obvious
one. For what is the use of a commander or general, who has
not learnt that the leader ought to keep as far as possible aloof
from those minor operations, in which the whole fortune of the
campaign is not involved? Or of one who does not know that,
even if circumstances should at times force them to engage in
such subordinate movements, the commanders-in-chief should
not expose themselves to danger until a large number of their
company have fallen? For, as the proverb has
it, the experiment should be made "on the
worthless Carian"
13 not on
the general.
For to
say "I shouldn't have thought it,"—"Who would have
expected it?" seems to me the clearest proof of strategical
incompetence and dulness.
Hannibal's Greatness
And so, though Hannibal's claims to be reckoned a
An incident in the attempt of Hannibal to enter Salapia,
under cover of a letter sealed by the ring of the dead Consul Marcus. Livy, 27, 28. |
great general are manifold, there is none more conspicuous than
this, that though engaged for a great length of time in an
enemy's country, and though he experienced a great variety of
fortune, he again and again inflicted a disaster on his opponents
in minor encounters, but never suffered one himself, in spite of
the number and severity of the contests which he conducted:
and the reason, we may suppose was, that he took great care
of his personal safety. And very properly so: for if the leader
escapes uninjured and safe, though a decisive defeat may
have been sustained, fortune offers many opportunities for
retrieving disasters; but if he has fallen, the pilot as it were of
the ship, even should fortune give the victory to the army,
no real advantage is gained; because all the hopes of the
soldiers depend upon their leaders. So much for those who
fall into such errors from foolish vanity, childish parade,
ignorance, or contempt. For it is ever one or the other of
these that is at the bottom of such disasters. . . .
They suddenly let down the portcullis,
which they had raised somewhat by pulleys,
and thus closed up the gateway. Then they
took the men and crucified them before the
walls. . . .
The Submission of the Edetani to Scipio
In Iberia Publius Scipio took up his winter quarters at
Winter of B.C. 209-208. See supra. ch. 20. The adhesion of Edeco, prince of the Edetani. |
Tarraco, as I have already stated; and secured
the fidelity and affection of the Iberians, to
begin with, by the restoration of the hostages to
their respective families. He found a voluntary
supporter of his measures in the person of
Edeco, the prince of the Edetani; who no
sooner heard that New Carthage had been taken, and that
Scipio had got his wife and children into his hands, than,
concluding that the Iberians would change sides, he resolved
to take the lead in the movement: conceiving that, by acting
thus, he would best be able to get back his wife and children,
and at the same time have the credit of joining the Romans
by deliberate choice, and not under compulsion. And so it
turned out. For as soon as the armies were dismissed to their
winter quarters, he came to
Tarraco, accompanied by his
kinsfolk and friends; and there being admitted to an interview with Scipio, he said that "he thanked the gods heartily
that he was the first of the native princes to come to him; for
whereas the others were still sending ambassadors to the
Carthaginians and looking to them for support,—even while
stretching out their hands to the Romans,—he was come there
to offer not only himself, but his friends and kinsfolk also, to
the protection of
Rome. If therefore he should have the
honour to be regarded by him as a friend and ally, he would
be able to render him important service both in the present
and the future. For as soon as the Iberians saw that he had
been admitted to Scipio's friendship, and had obtained what he
asked, they would all come in with a similar object, hoping to
have their relatives restored, and to enjoy the alliance of
Rome.
Their affection being secured for the future by receiving such
a mark of honour and benevolence, he would have in them
sincere and ready coadjutors in all his future undertakings.
He therefore asked to have his wife and children restored to
him, and to be allowed to return home an acknowledged friend
of
Rome; in order that he might have a reasonable pretext
for showing, to the best of his power, his own and his friends'
affection for Scipio himself and for the Roman cause."
General Defection to the Romans
When Edeco had finished his speech, Scipio, who had
Edeco is followed by other tribes. B. C. 209-8. |
been ready to gratify him from the first,
and took the same view as to the policy of
the proceeding, delivered him his wife
and children, and granted the friendship which he asked.
More than this, his subtle intellect made an extraordinary
impression on the Iberian in the course of the interview; and
having held out splendid hopes to all his companions for the
future, he allowed him to return to his own country. This
affair having rapidly got wind, all the tribes living north of the
Ebro, such as had not done so before, joined the Romans with
one consent.
Thus so far everything was going well with Scipio. After
the departure of these people, he broke up his naval force,
seeing that there was nothing to resist him at sea; and selecting the best of the crews, he distributed them among the
maniples, and thus augmented his land forces.
But Andobales and Mandonius, the most powerful princes
Andobales and mandonius abandon Hasdrubal. |
of the day in
Iberia, and believed to be the
most sincerely devoted to the Carthaginians,
had long been secretly discontented and on the
look-out for an opportunity: ever since Hasdrubal, under a
pretence of having a doubt of their loyalty, had demanded a
large sum of money, and their wives and daughters as hostages,
as I have already narrated.
14 And thinking that a convenient
opportunity had now come, they got together their own forces,
and, quitting the Carthaginian camp under cover of night,
occupied a position sufficiently strong to secure their safety.
Upon this, most of the other Iberians also abandoned
Hasdrubal: having long been annoyed at the overbearing
conduct of the Carthaginians, and now seizing the first opportunity to manifest their feelings.
Difficulty of Making Good Use of a Victory
This has often happened to people before. For though,
as I have many times remarked, success in a campaign and
victory over one's enemies are great things, it requires much
greater skill and caution to use such successes well. Accordingly,
you will find that those who have gained victories are
many times more numerous than those who have made good
use of them. The Carthaginians at this crisis are an instance
in point. After conquering the Roman armies, and slaying
both the generals, Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, imagining that
Iberia was their own without dispute, they began treating the
natives tyrannically; and accordingly found enemies in their
subjects instead of allies and friends. And they were quite
rightly served, for imagining that the conduct necessary for
keeping power was something different from that necessary for
obtaining it; and for failing to understand that they keep
empire best, who best maintain the same principles in virtue of
which they gained it. And yet it is obvious enough, and has
been again and again demonstrated, that men gain power by
beneficent actions, and by holding out hopes of advantage to
those with whom they are dealing; but that, as soon as they
have got what they wanted, and begin to act wickedly and rule
despotically, it is but natural that, as their rulers have changed,
the feelings of the subjects should change too. So it was with
the Carthaginians.
Hasdrubal Comes to a Decision
Surrounded by such difficulties Hasdrubal was agitated
by many conflicting emotions and anxieties. He was vexed
by the desertion of Andobales; vexed by the opposition and
feud between himself and the other commanders; and greatly
alarmed as to the arrival of Scipio, expecting that he would
immediately bring his forces to attack him. Perceiving therefore that he was being abandoned by the Iberians, and that
they were joining the Romans with one accord, he decided
upon the following plan of action. He resolved that he must
collect the best force he could, and give the enemy battle: if
fortune declared in his favour he could then consider his next
step in safety, but if the battle turned out unfavourably for
him, he would retreat with those that survived into
Gaul; and
collecting from that country as many of the natives as he could,
would go to
Italy, and take his share in the same fortune as his
brother Hannibal.
While Hasdrubal was arriving at this resolution, Publius
Early in B. C. 208, Scipio moves |
Scipio was rejoined by Gaius Laelius; and, being
informed by him of the orders of the Senate, he
collected his forces from their winter quarters
and began his advance: the Iberians joining
him on the march with great promptness and
hearty enthusiasm.
southward to attack Hasdrubal in the valley of the Baetis. Livy, 27, 18-19. |
Andobales had long been
in communication with Scipio: and, on the latter approaching
the district in which he was entrenched, he left his camp with
his friends and came to Scipio. In this interview he entered
upon a defence of himself in regard to his former friendship
with the Carthaginians, and spoke of the services he had done
them, and the fidelity which he had shown to them.
He then went on to narrate the injustice and tyranny
which he had experienced at their hands; and demanded that
Scipio himself should be the judge of his pleas. If he were
shown to be making ungrounded complaints against the
Carthaginians, he might justly conclude him incapable of
keeping faith with the Romans either: but if, on a review of
these numerous acts of injustice he were proved to have had no
other course than to desert the Carthaginians, Scipio might
confidently expect that, if he now elected to join the Romans,
he would be firm in his loyalty to them.
Hasdrubal and Scipio Prepare to Fight
Andobales added many more arguments before finishing his speech; and when he had done, Scipio
answered by saying that "he quite believed
what he had said; and that he had the strongest
reason for knowing about the insolent conduct of the Carthaginians, both from their treatment of the other Iberians, and
conspicuously from their licentious behaviour to their wives
and daughters, whom he had found occupying the position,
not of hostages, but of captives and slaves; and to whom he
had preserved such inviolable honour as could scarcely have
been equalled by their very fathers themselves." And upon
Andobales and his companions acknowledging that they were
quite aware of this, and falling at his feet and calling him
king, all present expressed approval. Whereupon Scipio with
emotion bade them "fear nothing, for they would experience
nothing but kindness at the hands of the Romans." He at
once handed over his daughters to Andobales; and next day
made the treaty with him, the chief provision of which was
that he should follow the Roman commanders and obey their
commands. This being settled, he returned to his camp;
brought over his army to Scipio; and, having joined camps
with the Romans, advanced with them against Hasdrubal.
Now the Carthaginian general was encamped at Baecula,
Hasdrubal changes his position to one of superior strength. |
in the district of
Castulo, not far from the silver
mines. But when he learnt the approach of the
Romans, he shifted his quarters; and his rear
being secured by a river, and having a stretch
of tableland in front of his entrenchment of sufficient extent
for his troops to manœuvre, and bounded by a steep descent
sufficiently deep for security, he stayed quietly in position:
always taking care to post pickets on the brow of the descent.
As soon as he came within distance, Scipio was
eager to give him battle, but was baffled by the
strength of the enemy's position.
After waiting two days,
however, he became anxious, lest by the arrival of Mago and
Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, he should find himself surrounded
by hostile forces: he therefore determined to venture on an
attack and make trial of the enemy.
Scipio Attacks Hasdrubal
His whole army having been got ready for battle, he
Scipio successfully assaults Hasdrubal's position. |
confined the main body within his camp, but
sent out the velites and some picked men of
the infantry with orders to assault the brow of
the hill and attack the enemy's pickets. His
orders were carried out with great spirit. At first the Carthaginian commander watched what was happening without
stirring: but when he saw that, owing to the fury of the Roman
attack, his men were being hard pressed, he led out his army
and drew them up along the brow of the hill, trusting to the
strength of the position. Meanwhile Scipio despatched all his
light-armed troops with orders to support the advanced guard:
and the rest of his army being ready for action, he took half of
them under his own command, and going round the brow of
the hill to the enemy's left, began assaulting the Carthaginians;
while he entrusted the other half to Laelius, with orders to
make a similar attack on the right of the enemy. While this
was going on, Hasdrubal was still engaged in getting his troops
out of camp: for hitherto he had been waiting, because he
trusted in the strength of the position, and felt confident that
the enemy would never venture to attempt it. The attack,
therefore, took him by surprise, before he was able to get his
men on to the ground. As the Romans were now assaulting
the two wings of the position which the enemy had not yet
occupied, they not only mounted the brow of the hill in safety,
but actually advanced to the attack while their opponents were
still in all the confusion and bustle of falling in. Accordingly
they killed some of them on their exposed flank; while others,
who were actually in the act of falling in, they forced to turn
and flee.
Hasdrubal retreats, and makes for the Pyrenees. |
Seeing his army
giving way and retreating, Hasdrubal reverted to his preconceived
plan; and determining not to stake his all upon
this one desperate hazard, he secured his money and his
elephants, collected as many of his flying soldiers as he could,
and commenced a retreat towards the
Tagus, with a view of
reaching the passes of the
Pyrenees and the Gauls in that
neighbourhood.
Scipio did not think it advisable to pursue Hasdrubal at
once, for fear of being attacked by the other Carthaginian
generals; but he gave up the enemy's camp to his men to
pillage.
Scipio Refuses the Title "King"
Next morning he collected the prisoners, amounting to
ten thousand foot and more than two thousand horse, and
busied himself in making arrangements about them. All the
Iberians of that district, who were in alliance at that time with
the Carthaginians, came in and submitted to the Roman
obedience, and in addressing Scipio called him "king." The
first to do this and to bow the knee before him
had been Edeco, and the next Andobales.
On
these occasions Scipio had passed the word over
without remark; but after the battle, when all alike addressed
him by that title, his attention was drawn to it; and he therefore summoned the Iberians to a meeting, and told them that
"he quite wished to be called a man of royal liberality by them
all, and to be so in the truest sense, but that he had no wish
to be a 'king,' nor to be called one by any one; they should
address him as general."
Even at this early period of his career, an observer might
have remarked the loftiness of Scipio's character. He was
still quite young. His good fortune had been so persistent,
that all who came under his rule were led naturally to think
and speak of him as a king. Yet he did not lose his selfcontrol; but deprecated this popular impulse and this show of
dignity. But this same loftiness of character was still more
admirable in the closing scenes of his life, when, in addition
to his achievements in
Iberia, he crushed the Carthaginians;
reduced the largest and fairest districts of
Libya, from the
Altars of Philaenus to the Pillars of Hercules, under the power
of his country; conquered
Asia and the kings of
Syria; made
the best and largest part of the world subject to
Rome; and
in doing so had numerous opportunities of acquiring regal
sway, in whatever parts of the world suited his purpose or
wish. For such achievements were enough to have kindled
pride, not merely in any human breast, but even, if I may say
so without irreverence, in that of a god. But Scipio's greatness of soul was so superior
to the common standard of mankind, that he again and again rejected what Fortune had put
within his grasp, that prize beyond which men's boldest
prayers do not go—the power of a king: and he steadily preferred his country and his duty to that royalty, which men
gaze at with such admiration and envy.
Scipio next proceeded to select from the captives the
Scipio occupies the position evacuated by the Carthaginians. |
native Iberians, and all these he dismissed to
their homes without ransom; and bidding Andobales select three hundred of the horses, he distributed the remainder among those who had
none. For the rest, he at once occupied the entrenchment of
the Carthaginians, owing to its excellent situation; and there he
remained himself, waiting to see the movements of the other
Carthaginian generals; while he detached a body of men to
the passes of the
Pyrenees to keep a look-out for
Hasdrubal.
After this, as it was getting late in
the season, he retired with his army to
Tarraco
being bent on wintering there. . . .
Affairs in Greece: Philip V. Called In Against the Aetolians
The Aetolians had recently become greatly encouraged
King Philip undertakes to aid the Achaean league, and other Greek states,
against a threat-ened attack of the Aetolians in alliance with Rome, B. C. 208.
Cp. Livy, 27, 30. See above Bk. 9, ch. 28-42. |
by the arrival of the Romans and King Attalus: and accordingly began menacing every one, and
threatening all with an attack by land, while Attalus and Publius Sulpicius did the same by
sea. Wherefore Achaean legates arrived at the court of King Philip entreating his help: for it
was not the Aetolians alone of whom they were standing in dread, but Machanidas also, as he
was encamped with his army on the frontier of
Argos. The Boeotians also, in fear of the
enemy's fleet, were demanding a leader and
help from the king. Most urgent of all, however, were the
Euboeans in their entreaties to him to take some precaution
against the enemy. A similar appeal was being made by the
Acarnanians; and there was an embassy even from the
Epirotes. News had arrived that both Scerdilaidas and
Pleuratus were leading out their armies: and, over and above
this, that the Thracian tribes on the frontier of
Macedonia,
especially the Maedi, were planning to invade
Macedonia, if
the king were induced to stir from his realm however short a
distance. Moreover the Aetolians were already securing the
pass of
Thermopylae with trenches and stockades and a
formidable garrison, satisfied that they would thus out
Philip, and entirely prevent him from coming to the assistance
of his allies south of the pass. It appears to me that a crisis
of this sort is well worth the observation and attention of my
readers; for it affords a trial and test of the vigour of the
leader affected. As in the hunting-field the wild animals
never show their full courage and strength until surrounded
and brought to bay,—so it is with leaders. And no more
conspicuous instance could be found than this of Philip. He
dismissed the various embassies, promising each that he would
do his best: and then devoted his attention to the war which
surrounded him on all sides, watching to see in what direction,
and against which enemy, he had best direct his first attack.
Reinforcements Sent to Various Cities
Just then intelligence reached him that Attalus had
crossed the sea and, dropping anchor at Peparethos, had
occupied the island. He therefore despatched a body of men
to the islanders to garrison their city; and at the same time
despatched Polyphontes with an adequate force into
Phocis and
Boeotia; and Menippus, with a thousand peltasts and five
hundred Agrianes to
Chalcis and the rest of
Euboea; while he
himself advanced to Scotusa, and sent word at the same time
to the Macedonians to meet him at that town. But when he
learnt that Attalus had sailed into the port of
Nicaea, and that
the leaders of the Aetolians were collecting at
Heraclea, with
the purpose of holding a conference together on the immediate
steps to be taken, he started with his army from Scotusa, eager
to hurry thither and break up their meeting. He arrived too
late to interrupt the conference: but he destroyed or carried
off the corn belonging to the people along the Aenianian gulf,
and then returned. After this he left his army in Scotusa
once more; and, with the light-armed troops and the royal
guard, went to
Demetrias, and there remained, waiting to see
what the enemy would attempt. To secure that he should be
kept perfectly acquainted with all their movements, he sent
messengers to the Peparethii, and to his troops in Phocis and
Euboea, and ordered them to telegraph to him everything
which happened, by means of fire signals directed to Mount
Tisaeum, which is a mountain of
Thessaly conveniently situated
for commanding a view of those places.
Fire signals
The method of signalling by fire, which is of the
highest utility in the operations of war, has never
before been clearly expounded; and I think I
shall be doing a service if I do not pass it over, but give an
account of it adequate to its importance. Now that opportuneness
is of the utmost moment in all undertakings, and pre-eminently
so in those of war, no one doubts; and of all the things which
contribute to enable us to hit the proper time nothing is more
efficacious than fire signals. For they convey intelligence
sometimes of what has just happened, sometimes of what is
actually going on; and by paying proper attention to them one
can get this information at three or four days' journey off, and
even more: so that it continually happens that the help
required may be unexpectedly given, thanks to a message
conveyed by fire signals. Now, formerly, as the art of signalling
by fire was confined to a single method, it proved in very
many cases unserviceable to those employing it. For as it
was necessary to employ certain definite signals which had
been agreed upon, and as possible occurrences are unlimited,
the greater number of them were beyond the competence
of the fire signals to convey. To take the present instance:
it was possible by means of the signals agreed upon to send
the information that a fleet had arrived at Oreus or Peparethos
or
Chalcis; but it was impossible to express that "certain
citizens had gone over to the enemy," or "were betraying the
town," or that "a massacre had taken place," or any of those
things which often occur, but which cannot be all anticipated.
Yet it is precisely the unexpected occurrences which demand
instant consideration and succour. All such things then were
naturally beyond the competence of fire signalling, inasmuch
as it was impossible to adopt an arbitrary sign for things which
it was impossible to anticipate.
Methods of Signalling
Aeneas, therefore, the writer of the treatise on tactics,
The improvement introduced by Aeneas Tactitus. |
wished to correct this defect, and did in fact
make some improvement; but his invention
still fell very far short of what was wanted,
as the following passage from his treatise will
show.
15 "Let those who wish," he says, "to communicate any
matter of pressing importance to each other by fire-signals
prepare two earthenware vessels of exactly equal size both as
to diameter and depth. Let the depth be three cubits, the
diameter one. Then prepare corks of a little shorter diameter
than that of the vessels: and in the middle of these corks fix
rods divided into equal portions of three fingers' breadth, and
let each of these portions be marked with a clearly distinguishable line: and in each let there be written one of the most
obvious and universal of those events which occur in war;
for instance in the first 'cavalry have entered the country,' in
the second 'hoplites,' in the third 'light-armed,' in the next
'infantry and cavalry,' in another 'ships,' in another 'corn,'
and so on, until all the portions have written on them the
events which may reasonably be expected to occur in the
particular war. Then carefully pierce both the vessels in such
a way that the taps shall be exactly equal and carry off the
same amount of water. Fill the vessels with water and lay the
corks with their rods upon its surface, and set both taps running
together. This being done, it is evident that if there is perfect
equality in every respect between them, both corks will sink
exactly in proportion as the water runs away, and both rods
will disappear to the same extent into the vessels. When they
have been tested, and the rate of the discharge of water has
been found to be exactly equal in both, then the vessels
should be taken respectively to the two places from which the
two parties intend to watch for fire signals. As soon as any
one of those eventualities which are inscribed upon the rods
takes place, raise a lighted torch, and wait until the signal is
answered by a torch from the others: this being raised, both
parties are to set the taps running together. When the cork
and rod on the signalling side has sunk low enough to bring
the ring containing the words which give the desired information on a level with the rim of the vessel, a torch is to be
raised again. Those on the receiving side are then at once
to stop the tap, and to look at the words in the ring of the rod
which is on a level with the rim of their vessel. This will be
the same as that on the signalling side, assuming everything to
be done at the same speed on both sides."
An Improved Method
Now this method, though introducing a certain improvement in the system of fire signalling, is
The drawbacks to this method. |
still wanting in definiteness: for it is evident
that it is neither possible to anticipate, or, if you
could anticipate, to write upon the rod every possible thing
that may happen: and therefore, when anything unexpected in
the chapter of accidents does occur, it is plainly impossible
to communicate it by this method. Besides, even such statements as are written on the rods are quite indefinite; for the
number of cavalry or infantry that have come, or the particular
point in the territory which they have entered, the number of
ships, or the amount of corn, cannot be expressed. For
what cannot be known before it happens cannot have an
arrangement made for expressing it. And this is the important point. For how is one to take proper measures for relief
without knowing the number or direction of the enemy?
Or how can the party to be relieved feel confidence or the
reverse, or indeed have any conception at all of the situation, if it does not know how many ships or how much corn
have been despatched by the allies?
But the last method which was hit upon by Cleoxenus and
The improved method of Cleoxenus and Democlitus. |
Democlitus, and further elaborated by myself, is
above all things definite, and made capable of
indicating clearly whatever is needed at the
moment; but in its working it requires attention
and more than ordinarily close observation. It is as follows:
Divide the alphabet into five groups of five letters each (of
course the last group will be one letter short, but this will not
interfere with the working of the system). The parties about
to signal to each other must then prepare five tablets each, on
which the several groups of letters must be written. They
must then agree that the party signalling shall first raise two
torches, and wait until the other raises two also. The object
of this is to let each other know that they are attending.
These torches having been lowered, the signalling party raises
first torches on the left to indicate which of the tablets he
means: for instance, one if he means the first, two if he means
the second, and so on. He next raises torches on the right
showing in a similar manner by their number which of the
letters in the tablet he wishes to indicate to the recipient.
Improvements In Signalling
This matter being agreed upon, the two parties must
go to their respective points of observation; and each must
have, to begin with, a stenoscope with two funnels, to enable
him to distinguish through one the right, through the other
the left position of the signaller opposite him. Near this
stenoscope the tablets must be fixed, and both points, to the
right and to the left, must be defended by a fence ten feet
long and about the height of a man, in order to make it clear
on which side the torches are raised, and to hide them entirely when they are lowered. These preparations completed
on both sides, when a man wishes, for instance, to send the
message "Some of our soldiers to the number of a hundred
have deserted to the enemy,"—the first thing to do is to select
words that may give the same information with the fewest
letters, for instance, "A hundred Cretans have deserted," for
thus the number of letters is diminished by more than a half
and the same information is given. This sentence having been
written on a tablet will be transmitted by five signals thus:
The first letter is
κ, this comes in the second group of
letters and therefore on the second tablet; the signaller
therefore must raise two torches on the left to show the
recipient that he must look at the second tablet; then he will
raise five on the right, because
κ is the fifth letter in the
group,
16
which the recipient must thereupon write on his tablet.
Then the signaller must raise four torches on the left, for
ρ is
in that group, and two on the right, because it is the second
in the fourth group, and the recipient will write
ρ on his tablet:
and so on for the other letters.
Importance of Practice
Now everything that happens can be definitely imparted by means of this invention; but the number of torches
employed is large, because each letter has to be indicated by
two series of them: still, if proper preparations are made, the
thing can be adequately carried out. But whichever method is
employed, those who use it must practise beforehand, in order that
when the actual occasion for putting it in use arises they may
be able to give each other the information without any hitch.
For there are plenty of instances to show what a wide difference
there is between the way an operation is carried out by men
who hear of it for the first time, and by men who have become
habituated to it. Many things which were considered not
only difficult, but impossible at first, are, after an interval of
time and practice, performed with the greatest ease. I could
give many illustrations of the truth of this remark, but the
clearest may be found in the art of reading. Put side by side
a man who has never learnt his letters, though otherwise acute,
and a child who has acquired the habit, and give the latter a
book, and bid him read it: the former will clearly not be induced to believe that the reader has first to attend to the look
of each of the letters, secondly to their sound-value, and
thirdly to their combinations with others, each of which
operation requires a certain time. Therefore when he sees
the boy, without a pause for thought, reading off seven or five
lines at a breath, he will not easily be induced to believe
that he has not read the book before; and certainly not, if he
is able also to observe the appropriate enunciation, the
proper separations of the words, and the correct use of the
rough and smooth breathings. The moral is, not to give up
any useful accomplishment on account of its apparent difficulties, but to persevere till it becomes a matter of habit,
which is the way mankind have obtained all good things. And
especially is this right when the matters in question are
such as are often of decisive importance to our safety.
I was led to say this much in connexion with my former
assertion that "all the arts had made such progress in our
age that most of them were reduced in a manner to exact
sciences." And therefore this too is a point in which history
properly written is of the highest utility. . . .
Antiochus in Parthia, B.C. 209-5. See ch. 31.
Antiochus Crosses the Arius
The Apasiacae live between the rivers
Oxus and
Tanais,
The entrance of the Nomad Scythians into Hyrcania. |
the former of which falls into the Hyrcanian
Sea, the latter into the
Palus Maeotis.
17 Both
are large enough to be navigable; and it
seems surprising how the Nomads managed to
come by land into
Hyrcania along with their horses. Two
accounts are given of this affair, one of them probable, the
other very surprising yet not impossible. The
Oxus rises in
the
Caucasus, and being much augmented by tributaries in
Bactria, it rushes through the level plain with a violent and
turbid stream. When it reaches the desert it dashes its
stream against some precipitous rocks with a force raised to
such tremendous proportions by the mass of its waters, and
the declivity down which it has descended, that it leaps from
the rocks to the plain below leaving an interval of more than a
stade between the rock and its falls. It is through this space
that they say the Apasiacae went on foot with their horses
into
Hyrcania, under the fall, and keeping close to the rock.
The other account is more probable on the face of it. It is
said that, as the basin of the river has extensive flats into
which it descends with violence, the force of the stream makes
hollows in them, and opens chasms into which the water
descends deep below the surface, and so is carried on for a
short way, and then reappears: and that the barbarians, being
well acquainted with the facts, make their way on horseback,
over the space thus left dry, into
Hyrcania. . . .
Antiochus Engages the Bactrians
News being brought that Euthydemus
18 with his force
Battle on the river Arius between Antiochus and the Bactrians. |
was at Tapuria, and that a body of ten thousand horsemen were keeping guard at the
passage of the river Arius, he decided to
abandon the siege and attack these last. The
river was three days' march away. For two days
therefore he marched at a moderate speed; but on the third,
after dinner, he gave orders for the rest of his army to start
next day at daybreak; while he himself, with the cavalry and
light-armed troops and ten thousand peltasts, started in the
night and pushed on at a great rate. For he was informed
that the cavalry of the enemy kept guard by day on the bank
of the river, but at night retired to a city more than twenty
stades off. Having completed therefore the rest of the way
under cover of night, the plains being excellent for riding, he
got the greater part of his army across the river by daybreak,
before the enemy came back. When their scouts told them
what had happened, the horsemen of the Bactrians hastened to
the rescue, and fell in with their opponents while on the march.
Seeing that he must stand the first charge of the enemy, the king
summoned the two thousand horsemen who were accustomed
to fight round his own person; and issuing orders that the rest
were to form their companies and squadrons, and take up their
usual order on the ground on which they already were, he
advanced with the two thousand cavalry, and met the charge
of the advanced guard of the Bactrians. In this engagement
Antiochus is reputed to have shown the greatest gallantry of
any of his men. There was heavy loss on both sides: the
king's men conquered the first squadron, but when a second
and a third charged, they began to be hard pressed and to
suffer seriously. At that juncture, most of the cavalry being
by this time on the ground, Panaetolus ordered a general
advance; relieved the king and his squadrons; and, upon the
Bactrians charging in loose order, forced them to turn and
fly in confusion. They never drew rein before the charge of
Panaetolus, until they rejoined Euthydemus, with a loss of more
than half their number. The king's cavalry on the contrary
retired, after killing large numbers and taking a great many
prisoners, and bivouacked by the side of the river. In this
action the king had a horse killed under him, and lost some of
his teeth by a blow on the mouth; and his whole bearing obtained him a reputation for bravery of the highest description.
After this battle Euthydemus retreated in dismay with his
army to the city of
Zariaspa in
Bactria. . . .