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James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown 1,857 43 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 250 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 242 6 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 138 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 129 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 126 0 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 116 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 13. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 116 6 Browse Search
Maj. Jed. Hotchkiss, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 3, Virginia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 114 0 Browse Search
Lydia Maria Child, Letters of Lydia Maria Child (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, Harriet Winslow Sewall) 89 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). You can also browse the collection for John Brown or search for John Brown in all documents.

Your search returned 3 results in 2 document sections:

Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Shall Cromwell have a statue? (search)
ad grown up indoctrinated with the gospel, or heresy, of State sovereignty, and it was as much part of their moral and intellectual being as was clanship of the Scotch highlanders. In so far they were right, as Governor John A. Andrew said of John Brown. Meanwhile, practically, as a common-sensed man, leading an everyday existence in a world of actualities, John Brown was not right; he was, on the contrary, altogether wrong, and richly merited the fate meted out to him. It was the same with tJohn Brown was not right; he was, on the contrary, altogether wrong, and richly merited the fate meted out to him. It was the same with the secessionists. That, in 1861, they could really have had faith in the practicability—the real working efficiency—of that peaceable secession which they professed to ask for, and of which they never wearied of talking, I cannot believe. I find in the record no real evidence thereof. Of the high-type Southron, as we sometimes designate him, I would speak in terms of sincere respect. I know him chiefly by hearsay, having come in personal contact only with individual representatives of the
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.39 (search)
s plain as the handwriting on the wall at the feast of Belshazzar. Not slavery alone was involved, but the sanctity of the constitutional compact and all the rights of the States which that involved, and under a government, controlled and administered by the experiments of a higher law, the only measure of forbearance in denial of their rights, antagonism to their interests, confiscation of their property, would be the unselfish mercy and elastic conscience of a party which had cannonized John Brown, pilloried Chief-Justice Taney for deciding the law according to the law, and had denounced the constitution as a league with Satan and a covenant with hell. On that road lay no safety; but, on the contrary, self-stultification, treason to their convictions, humiliation and ultimate ruin. The alternative was to revert to the theory and practice of their revolutionary sires, to insist that the consent of the governed was an essential to the legitimacy of arty establishment, to reaffirm